Jesuit vs. Nazis, part 3
Full transcript of Father Twomey's speech at 1961 NAACP rally
In my previous two “Jesuit vs. Nazis” posts, here and here, I described the night when Father Louis J. Twomey, SJ, spoke at an NAACP rally in New Orleans while jackbooted members of the American Nazi Party protested outside. The self-styled Nazis had come to New Orleans in what they called a “Hate Bus”—a gimmick intended to mock the student activists then engaged in the Freedom Rides campaign to integrate interstate transportation facilities.
Now I am able to fill out the story of what happened on that evening of May 24, 1961, at the Corpus Christi Gymnasium in New Orleans, for I have uncovered a transcript of the speech Father Twomey gave that evening. In it, the Southern Jesuit praises the “revolution” then taking place in civil rights, and urges those present to join the NAACP.
I had found and photographed the transcript of Father Twomey’s speech a couple of years ago while doing research in the Twomey Papers at Loyola University New Orleans.1 But not until last week did I realize it was the one he gave at the NAACP event that the American Nazi Party targeted for its protest.
The handwritten transcript was made from a tape recording of Twomey’s address. It is not in the Jesuit’s handwriting, so it was probably made by a secretary. Thankfully I grew up reading my parents’ cursive script, so I was able to decipher it and create a typed version.
Before I share the full transcript, a few brief points may help illuminate this piece of history:
I have decided to share the transcript unedited, because it is a precious example of how Father Twomey spoke to Black audiences about civil rights at a time when the civil-rights movement was gaining force. Previously I had only been able to imagine Twomey’s style from descriptions in Black newspapers and in an interview that the late Dr. Daniel C. Thompson gave about Twomey.
Some of the things that Twomey said in the talk may appear awkward or insensitive in light of today’s accepted ways of discussing racial-justice issues. If the reader is uncomfortable, I recommend reading Dr. Thompson’s interview for important historical context on how Twomey’s speeches were received in the New Orleans Black community. There is no question that they considered him one of their greatest allies.
Twomey’s address is a wonderful example of the Jesuit rhetorical training that he received from high school onward. Some of his stylistic flourishes must have seemed archaic even in the early Sixties, but that made them all the more charming.
Speaking of the Jesuits, there is a marvelous inside joke towards the end of the speech, where Twomey says he is going to put in a plug for “my society.” Catholics there must have expected him to say something positive about his own Society of Jesus (the Jesuits). But instead he proceeds to plug the Urban League, of which he had been a member since 1948.
The comments in italicized brackets are nearly all from the original transcriptionist. I have added some context and some guesses at missing words, which I have put in non-italicized brackets.
It’s evident from the first paragraph that Twomey is responding to the glowing introduction that was just given him before he arose to speak.
And now, without any further ado, here is the speech. Enjoy! If you’re still reading at the end, you’ll find a very brief update on my life.
Father Louis J. Twomey, SJ, addresses the NAACP Spring Membership Rally, New Orleans, LA, May 24, 1961:
Mr. Chairman, reverend clergy, members of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, and Ladies and Gentlemen: on occasions, such as this, I always long for my dear mother to be here, as she will celebrate her 90th birthday in November, because at least if she were here there would be one in the audience who would believe what has just been said.
I say this in all sincerity, that I am very, very happy to be in this group tonight, and I feel honored that I can participate in a true demonstration of genuine Americanism. We have had incidents in the last few days which gave us an opposite impression. It is important for us, I believe, to understand the true purposes of a meeting such as this. Primarily, and on the surface, of course, it is a rally, to induce as many as possible to join the NAACP, and I can assure you that is a most worthy objective, and I do hope, and pray, that you will accept the exhortation which Mr. Tureaud has given you and join yourselves if you are not already members, and if you are, to strive to be apostles for the great work that is being done by the association. And by apostles, I mean those who give witness, those who bear testimony [to] the magnificent work that has been done since February 13, 1909, when the NAACP was first founded, the work that has been done from that day forward until this day, and for the work that still needs to be done in the days and months and weeks that lie ahead.
The battle for freedom is not easily won. It never has been an easy battle, but because of the national association, the battle is being won. And in this area particularly it is being won through the leadership and the courage, the intelligence, the calmness, the prudence of a man whom I esteem as a dear friend, a man whom I esteem as a great American, and I refer of course to A.P. Tureaud. And I say what I have said in all sincerity, because I know of few men who have done for the South, and by implication for the United States, what A.P. Tureaud has done. I admire very much Thurgood Marshall. I think Thurgood Marshall is also a great American. But Thurgood Marshall could come down to the South and get out of it. A.P. Tureaud stays here.
I’m not saying this because A.P. is here. I’m saying this because there’s much more importance to what I say than the mere fact that I’m throwing in a few bouquets in his direction. And to just forget about the person, think about the symbol he represents, and that is what I want to talk to you about tonight.
I happened to be looking through some material that I have in my files relative to the objectives of the NAACP, and I’d like to share with you a resolution which expresses, happily it seems to me, one of the basic purposes of this great organization, and the resolution reads as follows: “We ask for the Negroes only that to which they and other minorities are morally, legally, and rationally entitled.“
I don’t understand why they talk about other minorities. I’m going to take that up with A.P. and see if we can’t get that changed. For the reason is obvious: the NAACP, representative as it is of the great Negro race, is entitled not only to what minorities are entitled to, but to what majorities are entitled to. And frankly, I don’t understand this limitation here, namely, that the NAACP asks only for that to which they and other minorities are entitled, [as if] to ask more would be to demand special privileges.
And may I just throw in an aside here. I want to speak for a moment about the Committee on Racial Equality, possibly known as CORE. I think all of us recognize that CORE is the principal sponsor of the Freedom Riders. I saw in tonight’s papers something that disturbed me a great deal. It was a statement by a prominent man in this community comparing the American Nazi Party with the Freedom Riders. To me, that is an insult to the intelligence of any fair-minded American, and I for one as a citizen of this community resent the implication that appeared in that statement.
The Freedom Riders are American citizens, and they are dramatizing the search for equal opportunity. They are testing whether the states of the South are going to conform to the law of the land. The specific law in question is that bus stations are to be integrated in interstate commerce. That is the objective. Had they been allowed to exercise their God-given constitutionally guaranteed rights in the state of Alabama, there never would have been any such disgrace as that which occurred at Anniston, as that which occurred in Birmingham, as that which occurred in Montgomery.
And when the governor of Alabama can stand up before a nationwide TV audience and declare that these Freedom Riders came into his state seeking trouble and that therefore he would not guarantee their safety within his state, I am happy that at least the United States came to their rescue.
These Freedom Riders are a new expression of the long, weary, painful struggle of a large and important segment of our population to obtain their God-given constitutionally guaranteed rights. They represent something that’s new, something that perhaps the old generation does not understand.
There is in the world today what has been called, aptly, I think, the revolution of rising expectations. That revolution has gripped the hundreds of millions of little people who live in underdeveloped and underprivileged countries.
I think that America has shown that it has a heart. And America has spent billions upon billions of dollars in a very sincere effort to relieve the misery and the destruction and the suffering of these hundreds of millions of these little people in other lands. But there are too many Americans who forget that we have little people in our own nation. And I use that term in all reverence, and I mean by little people in this context those who are deprived unjustly of the full participation in American life.
Now, for long and weary decades, we said you older leaders in this great struggle are now having to recognize that old methods are not apt for new jobs. And I believe that this spirit that is a very part of what we have called the revolution of rising expectations has gripped young Americans, not only those who are immediately and directly affected among Negro youths, but there is an ever-increasing number of white youth who are caught up in this empathy with their Negro brethren.
By empathy, we mean that ability to put oneself in another’s position and to strive to understand what it means to live in and under privileged condition. And I believe sincerely that there is an ever-increasing number of members of the white race who are beginning to acquire this empathy, who are beginning to project themselves into the personality, so to speak, of their Negro brethren.
Now, revolution has a rather harsh sound. We speak of the revolution of Cuba. We speak of the revolution in Laos and rightly revolutions in that perspective do have a harsh sound. But this revolution which is taking place in the United States is a tremendous, stimulating thing, and it is stimulating, and the reason—it seems to me, above every other reason—and it is that we have had the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People. I am convinced that had it not been for the wisdom had it not been for the prudence, had it not been for the determination of this organization, the struggle for civil rights could easily—or the revolution, if you will, for civil rights—could easily have deteriorated into rebellion.
I have often said, and I have said it not later than this evening, and I’ll share it with you now, I’ve often said that I thank God every day that the Negro doesn’t have the Irish temperament, because if he did, I can assure you there would have been a rebellion long ago. But even though my dear Irish dad would turn over in his grave if he were to hear what I’m about to say, but I’ll say it anyway, I’m glad you Negroes are not Irish, for the reason that I’ve already implied. I think one of the greatest qualities of the Negro race is their God-given power of endurance, patience, their wonderful—and I don’t think it’s wrong to say—[power] of supernatural hope. Somehow, someway under God, you have never, never lost hope. And I honestly believe that that hope is now having its payoff.
But this revolution—and God grant it vigor, God grant it dedication—this revolution of rising expectations, which is gripping not only the Negro, but is gripping every other wide-awake American, that revolution has been a tremendous thing. And that revolution has been guided and directed principally in my judgment by the NAACP.
Again, I say, if it had not been for the wisdom, the prudence, along with the determination of the NAACP, I could well see how this revolution could have degenerated into a rebellion. Therefore, I say the NAACP and I’m not saying it only here, I’ve said it in other places, because it is my sincere conviction, the NAACP is a great American organization, for the reason that it is demonstrating to the American people, primarily, and to the world at large that the genius of American government has within itself the seeds of self-correction. That we do not need to have a rebellion in order to gain redress for worded rights in order to get redress against privileges that have been denied us. That’s a tremendous thing. And that’s something you must not and I hope you will not forget. That what has happened to the Negro race is against the very genius of America, and that you are rendering a tremendous contribution to the cause of human decency and human freedom, not only here but everywhere, through this relentless untiring effort for what not for special privileges, not for special rights, but only to enjoy what your country offers.
Now, I’d like to throw in a little story that you might be able to use sometime. It’s certainly not original with me, but I think it’s fairly timely in the light of what happened in Alabama. These people who are really, no question about it, have demonstrated tremendous courage and tremendous leadership actually. It seems that Vice President Nixon went over to participate in the independence program of Ghana, and as the British flag was coming down, and the Ghanaian flag was going up, vice president Nixon turned to the gentleman on his right, who happened to be a Negro and put his arm around him and he said, “Brother, how does it feel to be free?” And this Negro gentleman turned to the Vice President. He said, “Mr. Vice President, I would not know,” he says, “I am a member of your delegation and I come from Alabama.” Well, that ought to lighten it up a bit.
I’m gonna talk about the governors of most Southern states and I’m gonna talk about the legislatures of most Southern states. But before I do, I would like to give you a little classroom lecture on what we mean by law. In order to do that I’m going to have to go back a little bit and tell you what we mean by man. Very briefly, man is the created image of God Almighty, and as such, man has dignity, he has supreme value, he has the sanctity, the sacredness, the inviolability that attaches to each human personality. Man has – not the white man, not the black man, but all men. So, in virtue of our being created images of God Almighty, we do have this dignity, we do have this supreme value, we do have this sacredness, in virtue of which we have a very serious obligation to live a life which is in accordance with these tremendous prerogatives.
I hope you can follow me, I’m going awfully fast. If you can follow me, you do better than my law-school class does, but at any rate, I hope you pick it up as we go.
All right, so now we have man: created image of God Almighty, endowed with this tremendous human dignity, with this tremendous value, as St. Thomas once told us: “one individual human being is more valuable than the material world, and all the riches thereof. “ These are some of the implications in our insight into genuine Americanism. As a result of these prerogatives, we have the obligation to live life in accordance with them, and then God has endowed us with rights, with certain demands, with certain claims that we can make from material and spiritual goods necessary for us to live in the fullness of our human nature. That’s what a right is. A right is a demand which you can make on me and I can make on you, in virtue not because I am myself, or you are yourself, but in virtue of the fact that you and I are created images of God, Almighty.
So we have these rights and that’s what we call God-given rights. In the Declaration of Independence, we call them inalienable rights. And then the law comes in. Law has as its purpose the protection of human rights and the ensuring of justice in society. Those two concepts now—the purpose of law is to protect human rights and to ensure justice in society. Our Declaration of Independence, acknowledges that philosophy of man, it acknowledges that philosophy of law, and it adds magnificently “to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men.”
Therefore, to see to it that rights are first of all acknowledged, respected, and protected—that is the purpose of government, whether it is municipal government, whether it is a state government, whether it it’s a national government, or whether it’s a government that is represented in the United Nations, or else it is no government at all.
In the perspective of what I have just said, what is to be our judgment relative to men who are sworn under God to guide the destinies of Southern states as governors? What is to be said of men who under God are sworn to use law as a protection for rights, what is to be said of such officials when they use laws for its opposite objective? The employment of law as an instrument of oppression, the employment of law not to underpin, but to undermine human rights? And I say that if that is not stopped, then maybe we don’t deserve to survive and probably won’t.
Let the governors of the various states of the South, let the legislators in the various capitals in the south defend themselves against the charge of subversive activities, and by subversive activity [applause] I mean a very simple thing: a cold, calculated, deliberate effort to undermine the God-given, conditionally, guaranteed rights of American citizens, whether the citizen is white, black, red, brown, or yellow.
These are the points, ladies and gentlemen, that need a great deal of looking into. I worry about articles that you read in the newspapers and, if you pardon me for a moment, if I can pull it out of my file here, I’d like to share with you an article that was in yesterday’s paper. The headline of this article reads, “The Russians Attack United States on Riots.” [Here Father Twomey reads from the article a quote from Moscow Radio:] “The scenes of bloodshed in Montgomery are reminiscent of the worst savagery, and these things are taking place in a country which has the boldness to declare that its way of life is an example for other people. These outrages make us wonder whether we are really in the 20th century.” The countries of Africa [At this point, the tape stuck, and it is not known how much was lost. When the transcript picks up, it appears that Father Twomey is speaking of segregationists:] [They will have] to answer the charge that they are undermining the cause of peace with justice throughout the world. [Applause]
I’ve got to go now, it’s almost time. Before I do, I’d like to make some practical suggestions:
Number one: we need in the city of New Orleans a commission on human relations. I don’t know why we haven’t got it. But those cities that do have it have met this problem in a far more Christian, democratic way than we. I would suggest therefore to the members of the Negro community—whether they express themselves through the NAACP or not really doesn’t matter—I’d like to see some pressure brought to bear so that this so-called cosmopolitan cultured city of New Orleans can begin to live up to its reputation, and you can do that, I am convinced, by organizing a biracial [commission]. The Negro race is not going to settle this problem, the white race is not going to settle this problem, apart. They’ve got to settle it together. And we do need and need desperately a commission on human rights, or call it what you will, that will reach deeply into both the Negro and the white community. Much more I could say about that.
Number two: you good Negro [At this point, the tape had to be changed, and it is not known how much was lost—the tape then picks up] — you’d be surprised how fast or how much faster the bars will drop then they are now, so to that extent [Applause], to that extent the slow pace, or the too-slow pace, is your own fault. I’m not trying to shift the burden, but there’s plenty that you good people can do positively, not negatively, but positively.
And finally: I want to make this point and then I’m going to let you go:
I want to make the point of the enormous importance of education. Now there are many of you good people in this audience that are long past your years of schooling, but not for your children, and not for the children of your friends, and there are some important things which you must do:
Number one: you’ve got to strengthen, I believe, the purposes, you’ve got to clarify the objectives of your PTA organizations. You’ve got to make them an instrument of promotion for the spirit of educational advancement in your community. You have long decades of neglect to overcome, that I am perfectly willing to grant. But one of the real [difficulties] is in striving to make people who have lacked educational opportunities, who are now the parents of many of our children, to convince them of the importance of education, which they themselves, through no fault of their own, have missed. Therefore, work on this [through] the PTA, work through it with any way you can to create the atmosphere of study within the home.
My good friend down here, and I’m looking right at him, Dr. Daniel Thompson of Dillard University—I remember Dr. Thompson, of several years ago now, delivered an address which really in a sense struck me and it struck me so hard that I haven’t forgotten the main point: that one of the real problems in the Negro community in regard, regarding education, is lack of what he called “parental expectancy.” And what we mean by that, that the children go home after school and there’s no atmosphere created at home that is conducive to study. There is no encouragement, or at least not the degree of encouragement that is needed from the parent of the child.
You can remember your own school days when you wouldn’t study unless somebody was making you study. That’s one of the, I guess, one of the privileges of youth. But at any rate, we need now, and if there are any Negro school teachers in the audience, you’ve got to work doubly hard.
The opportunities are beginning to open. I was talking to Julius Thomas, very good friend of mine, who is the industrial-relations director of the National Urban League. He told me, “Father, I have on my desk in New York applications for two [illegible] engineers, and I can’t fill them.” The opportunities are beginning and each day they’re getting more and more numerous, and I am convinced that the present administration is sincere in its determination to break down in government, first of all, discriminatory hiring practices, discriminatory upgrading practices. You’ve got to lend your encouragement, you’ve got to lend your discipline, lend your discipline to your children, make them study. [Applause]
And finally, in this matter there’s got to be cooperation between the school and the home. Now, how can these things be worked out? There’s part of a real program, and I know that the National Association of the Advancement of Colored People is primarily interested in redress through institutional processes. I don’t know whether they have these outlets or not, but I am going to put in a plug for my society. My society is the Urban League. We do operate on the community level. And you can help us and you can let us help you, but this job has got to be done, and it’s got to be done as quickly as possible, because I have been convinced for a long time, and I’m sorry if this offends anybody, but I am convinced that this whole process of desegregation—or let’s put it on its proper level, this whole process of the full blooming of constitutional rights for all of our Americans—would come much faster if we had our Negro community ready for it.
Well, there’s so much more to be said, I only want to end by saying this:
There’s a great hope, I think there’s great hope in Alabama—great hope in what happened in Alabama. Why? Because the racists, the white supremacists are on immoral grounds to begin with, and secondly, they have lost the war. The war has been won. Many a spirited mopping-up battle has to take place, granted, but they are losing, as A.P. just told you tonight.
— End of transcript —
Life update
If you’ve read this far, you deserve an update on my life since I last posted about it at the end of my post on Twomey and Judge J. Skelly Wright. Unfortunately, nothing has changed with regard to the deep sadness that I described and the reason I gave for it. But your prayers really do help, and I am very grateful for them. They are in all likelihood what are keeping me going. Please know that you are in my prayers too, as I pray for all of my readers, past, present, and future.
Thanks also to those of you who have paid subscriptions. It means a lot to know that you wish to give back to me in that way. God bless you!
“Father Twomey Address Before NAACP - N.O. La,” Louis J. Twomey Papers, Loyola New Orleans Archives & Special Collections, Box 52, Folder 2.
Fascinating, Dawn! I sympathize a great deal with your struggle. My transition to teaching has likewise come at a considerable cost to my film writing. One difference is that writing even an occasional review is feasible in a way that writing a book in occasional moments is … less feasible. Hoping against hope that at some point you find a way to work book writing into your new life!